Yeah, that document is discussed pretty far into the article. CW: sexual abuse.

In the emails, Ransome claimed that she knew a girl in Epstein’s sex-trafficking ring named Jen, who said she had sex with Trump. Ransome also claimed that Jen had told her that Trump had a predilection for nipples and that he had aggressively flicked and sucked hers. Ransome wrote that she had seen evidence when she shared a bathroom with Jen. “They looked incredibly painful as they were red and swollen and I remember wincing when I looked at them,” she wrote.

Ransome’s credibility was not uncomplicated; she had made another claim that she possessed video footage of prominent men having sex with young girls in Epstein’s entourage. She later retracted the claims, saying she feared for herself and her family if she proceeded. But after a federal judge ordered the unsealing of some of the Giuffre case files in 2023, the document that connected Trump to the claim about abused nipples was among the material that came out. It was an unconfirmed allegation and had not been made publicly, but the disclosure led to some articles that were quickly lost in the swirl of election-year news.

Let’s Not Date did a hilarious troll about this.

Privately, [Bongino] seethed. In conversations with confidants, he lamented what the job had cost him: millions of dollars in podcast revenue, family time, his audience. He was getting torn apart over a strategy he had opposed from the start.

Poor baby. Is protecting the most powerful pedophile in the world not as profitable as you’d hoped? What a chode.

Maybe it wasn’t a good idea to give a comprehensive surveillance tool to a right-wing paramilitary filled to the brim with violent narcissistic dickheads.

Nobody could have seen this coming.

The only thing that ghouls like Nancy Mace believe in is power. This has got to sting.

Love that for her.

I like good food, and I also like to make stuff. It’s a natural fit.

Tuberville is the dumbest person in Congress, and that’s a very tight race since Gohmert retired.

In that case, why are protestents considered Christians when most of them also have a different Biblical cannon from the Catholic Church?

There’s no easy way to do it; I consider “Christian” the umbrella term for anyone who considers Jesus to be their savior, then get more specific about type from there.

That’s like saying “they’re not Catholic, so they’re not a real Christian.”

It’s reductive and not particularly helpful for categorization. Coptic christians, for example, are one of the most ancient sects and they use a different version of the creed that was clarified in 381 to remove “Macedonious’ heresy against the divinity of the Holy Spirit” and again in 431 to add an introduction.

So they don’t follow the Catholic and protestant creeds. Furthermore, most Christians couldn’t quote the thing if their life depended on it. Saying that one has to follow the creed to be a Christian makes no sense, especially when there are approximately 40 to 50 thousand discrete ways of being Christian.

The humor comes from his sycophants fearing that he’s dead, but also afraid to mention it because it would make him look bad.

It would be hilarious.

Got to be either a full English breakfast or a Cornish pasty.

In 2024 and 2025, Batman formally requested a religious accommodation allowing him to work remotely in June

That’s the funniest thing I’ll read all day.

That’s why I stay out of the passing lane unless I’m passing. I was saying it’s not just polite, but also the law. And it keeps crazy people from weaving and passing on the right, which endangers people.

Reactionaries don’t make arguments based in what they believe, they do it to win. They literally couldn’t care less about what is true, they say what is useful to believe to win the argument.

And pointing out their hypocrisy is a game to them; they love the fact that they’re free to make up the rules as they go, unbeholden to their previous stance. Pissing people off is half the point of arguing for them.

I say we let them fight it out to the death on the White House lawn.

Barri Weiss is one of the worst people in the country. Her whole job, for as long as she’s been a public figure, has been to sane-wash fascism.

I think it’s because the judge reopened the case to examine the obviously illegal “settlement.” This is the goons trying to avoid trouble.

It makes sense under the framework that police are a right-wing paramilitary.

They understand this fact, and will aid their allies like ICE and Patriot Front who seek to impose their white-supremicist agenda upon the country. They work in the knowledge that their job is to oppress the left and support the far-right reactionary ideology with government-sanctioned force.

The left needs to accept this paradigm in order to compete against it.

But evangelical support for Trump was no aberration, nor was it merely a pragmatic choice. It was, rather, the culmination of evangelicals’ embrace of militant masculinity, an ideology that enshrines patriarchal authority and condones the callous display of power, at home and abroad. By the time Trump arrived proclaiming himself their savior, conservative white evangelicals had already traded a faith that privileges humility and elevates “the least of these” for one that derides gentleness as the province of wusses. Rather than turning the other cheek, they’d resolved to defend their faith and their nation, secure in the knowledge that the ends justify the means. Having replaced the Jesus of the Gospels with a vengeful warrior Christ, it’s no wonder many came to think of Trump in the same way. In 2016, many observers were stunned at evangelicals’ apparent betrayal of their own values. In reality, evangelicals did not cast their vote despite their beliefs, but because of them.

Donald Trump did not trigger this militant turn; his rise was symptomatic of a long-standing condition. Survey data reveal the stark contours of the contemporary evangelical worldview. More than any other religious demographic in America, white evangelical Protestants support preemptive war, condone the use of torture, and favor the death penalty. They are more likely than members of other faith groups to own a gun, to believe citizens should be allowed to carry guns in most places, and to feel safer with a firearm around. White evangelicals are more opposed to immigration reform and have more negative views of immigrants than any other religious demographic; two-thirds support Trump’s border wall. Sixty-eight percent of white evangelical Protestants—more than any other demographic—do not think that the United States has a responsibility to accept refugees. More than half of white evangelical Protestants think a majority nonwhite US population would be a negative development. White evangelicals are considerably more likely than others to believe that Islam encourages violence, to refuse to see Islam as “part of mainstream American society,” and to perceive “natural conflict between Islam and democracy.” At the same time, white evangelicals believe that Christians in America face more discrimination than Muslims. White evangelicals are significantly more authoritarian than other religious groups, and they express confidence in their religious leaders at much higher rates than do members of other faiths.

For evangelicals, domestic and foreign policy are two sides of the same coin. Christian nationalism—the belief that America is God’s chosen nation and must be defended as such—serves as a powerful predictor of intolerance toward immigrants, racial minorities, and non-Christians. It is linked to opposition to gay rights and gun control, to support for harsher punishments for criminals, to justifications for the use of excessive force against black Americans in law enforcement situations, and to traditionalist gender ideology. White evangelicals have pieced together this patchwork of issues, and a nostalgic commitment to rugged, aggressive, militant white masculinity serves as the thread binding them together into a coherent whole. A father’s rule in the home is inextricably linked to heroic leadership on the national stage, and the fate of the nation hinges on both.

From Jesus and John Wayne: How White Evangelicals Corrupted a Faith and Fractured a Nation, by Kristen Kobes du Mez